Posts Tagged ‘sans coulottes’

The Rise of Napoléon

France: The Rise of Napoléon

During the war with England, the French had obtained the island of Corsica, and, as a result, Nabuleone di Buonaparte was born in 1769 as a French citizen.  After translating his name into its French version, Napoléon Bonaparte, the young military officer was part of the army raised to repel the invasion. The initial reason for intervening in internal French affairs was the Queen herself.   Allies, Austria and Prussia, attempted to invade and end the Revolution before it was too late for Marie Antoinette.  However, the first nationwide draft, the levée en masse, in 1793, put large numbers of men in the field and, in an extraordinary feat, the new government managed to feed, clothe and arm the citizens’ army.   Even after the deaths of the King and Queen, the European powers still sought to restore the hereditary right to rule, or, to put it another way, to safeguard the legitimacy of aristocratic power.  Revolution had already infected America, to the great cost of Britain, and this rebellious fever must not be allowed to spread to the rest of Europe.

To counter the reactionary European alliance, a young Corsican coporal, Napoléon Bonaparte, rose from the ranks of the French Army by exhibiting his talents with artillery, a relatively modern weapon for modern war.  He was a common man, who, for many, personified the promise of the Revolution—success through merit. Napoléon understood artillery—it could be moved, it could be deployed strategically, and with its flexible firepower, artillery could be the decisive edge for victory.   Throughout Europe in the fired up imaginations of the commoners, Napoléon was not just a new kind of leader; he was a savior.  A man who was a “man of the people,” he was perceived as bringing the ideals of the Enlightenment to the rest of Europe.   For the French, the Corsican colonial brought order out of the chaos of a Revolution gone wrong.  Lucky to be stationed outside of France, Napoléon avoided the internal politics of the Revolution.  For example, many French people outside of Paris were anti-Republican and opposed to the reforms promised by the Revolution.  The result was decades of rebellion, collectively called “The Vendée,” also known as the “White Terror,” which carried on until 1813.

Those early years of post-monarchy government is referred to as the First Republic, established in 1792.  Far from being a “republic,” in the traditional sense, this Republic included the dictatorship of the Jacobins, the Directory, which employed Napoléon, and the Counsulate, which was dominated by him. Napoléon became the First Counsel in 1799, when he staged a coup d’état, after being soundly defeated by the British in Egypt.   This seizure of power is referred to as “The 18 Brumarie,” after the day and month of the coup.  The Republic ended and Napoléon was in total control by 1804, during a period of peace, following the Treaty of Amiens of 1802.  The French Revolution was over, the experiment in representative government was ended, and dictatorial power was restored. Napoléon invited the émigrés, who had fled for their aristocratic lives to England and America, to come back to France.  He reinstated the Catholic Church, but its property was not restored. Dashing the hopes for democracy of European intellectuals from Beethoven to Goya, Napoléon crowned himself Emperor of France and crowned his wife, Josephine, Empress, for good measure.  Then he embarked upon a campaign of conquest throughout Europe that would stall the benefits of modern life and the Enlightenment for France and for the rest of Europe.

Under the guise of being a liberator and a bringer of the ideals of the Revolution, Napoléon conquered the Continent.  The longstanding problem of the French debt was solved simply: by looting Europe.  While many liberals welcomed the weakening of European monarchies, they were soon disillusioned by Napoléon’s iron grip on his “allies” and became restive.   Only England stood, alone, against the French.  The resistance of Great Britain only made the nation stronger, while the need to control his conquests eventually drained the French who eventually tasted defeat in 1814.  Napoléon brought the dark side of modern life—total war—to anyone in his path until his final downfall at Waterloo in 1815.

Napoléon  and his total war was an attempt to return to the glory days of the Carolingian Empire, and allowed England to become the dominant industrial and military power while he was consolidating his power.  The Code Napoléon turned back the reforms and the ideals of the Revolution, abolishing equality but acknowledged the power of the middle class and the principle of merit as a condition of advancement.  Most importantly, the Code spelled out the winners and losers, following the years of upheaval. Slavery was reinstated in the colonies. Women were disempowered and the lower classes were put back in their place and the revolutionary energies were drained by the total war that dominated the decade. Thus, the real losers of the French Revolution were the very class that had led the Revolution—the lower classes.

Unwittingly the proletariat had done the dirty business of eliminating the troublesome aristocrats for the bourgeoisie.  The sans-coulottes had demonstrated their lack of judgment in following unqualified rabble-rousers. The lower classes had never supported the Enlightenment ideals that had so inspired the upper classes, and, the proletariat and the peasants were responsible for the end of the Enlightenment itself.  The horrors of the Terror demonstrated the futility of relying upon the powers of human reason and rational thinking.  The American Revolution had been eminently rational; the French Revolution had been strikingly irrational.  The English Royalists in America were allowed to leave or adapt; the French aristocrats had been massacred in public spectacles in town squares all over the country. The lower classes had terrified their fellow French citizens by acting out centuries of rage, earning the sobriquet: The Dangerous Class.

Although leading the way to revolution, the lower classes disqualified themselves for power. The middle-class feared and loathed the undisciplined and unwashed mod and would view any move on the part of the lower classes to protest their status with suspicion and oppression.  By behaving less badly, the middle class inherited France and moved into the court of Napoléon, newly empowered under the Empire.  The proletariat would have to endure other Revolutions and wait for the century to end before they too would become fully enfranchised.   The lower classes, who were promised “liberty, equality, and fraternity,” but got little of the “natural rights” that had been promised.  At the end of the Napoléonic wars, one in three lower class men had died, sacrificed for the glory of the nation.   And yet, out of the strife and struggle, the modern French Citizen was constructed and the modern French identity came into being within a modern nation state.  But there was a cost.  An overseas empire had been lost and England was suddenly dominant in Europe, with France as a defeated and diminished power, destined to yearn for those years of patriotic glory under Napoléon.

If you have found this material useful, please give credit to
Dr. Jeanne S. M. Willette and Art History Unstuffed.  Thank you.
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Revolution and Terror in France

The  Revolution and Terror  in France

When the American Revolutionary War was waged, it was unpopular both in England and America.  The war was won—astonishingly—by the upstart colonists; and suddenly America was on its own, as the “United States,” embarking on one of the most revolutionary governments of all time, a democracy.  It cannot be exaggerated how experimental this new nation seemed to the Europeans.  America was an unprecedented ideal and many observers predicted failure and chaos.  It also cannot be exaggerated how much Europeans distrusted the very concept of “democracy,” or rule of the “mob.”  “Government by the people, for the people,” as Lincoln said later, was a horrifying concept in Europe.  And with good reason, from the perspective of the sober middle class, the “dangerous” classes were to be feared.   In France, only a few years after the formation of the United States of America, another Revolution occurred in 1789.   This one was bloody and violent. The French Revolution was a civil war, a war between the classes, as much as it was a revolution against a King.  The American Revolution was one aspiring nation against an oppressive parent nation, but the French went war with themselves. The reasons for the French Revolution were quite different from the causes of the American Revolution.  Although inspired by Enlightenment philosophy, the French Revolution began, not with the middle classes, but with the lower classes.  The sans coulottes, or the proletariat, had suffered under the heel of the aristocracy.  The lower classes, the peasants, were tired, overworked, and hungry and spontaneously rose up to protest their hardships.  The proletariat was not inspired by ideas of their “natural rights;” they were hungry.  When the ideas of the Enlightenment philosophers filtered down to them, these modern ideas were rejected by the lower classes, who felt threatened by modernity and its attack on a traditional way of life.

Although it may seem counter-intuitive, it was the well-educated aristocrats who supported the Revolution, acting from a moral and philosophical point of view.  Those of the upper class who were wealthy and prospering from new economic opportunities had everything to gain from establishing a constitutional monarchy on the lines of England.  Although the heroes of the American Revolution,  Washington and Lafayette, were greatly admired in France, the ultimate model for the French Revolutionaries was Britain, which had a constitutional monarchy and an established aristocracy.  America was too democratic for French needs.  By 1788, France was in a crisis of confidence in the rulers, Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette who seemed incompetent, indifferent, and positively incontinent when it came to spending money.  But it was not the extravagant Marie Antoinette and her famous diamond necklace, which bankrupted France.  The French monarch actually cost the French people half of what the British monarchy cost the English.  Ironically, the nation’s financial troubles stemmed from its alliance with the American colonies in the War of Independence.  The saying “The road to hell is paved with good intentions” could have been applied to the unhappy French royal family after America became independent. Not that the French were supporting democracy, the French were fighting England for continental and international dominance. All the French wanted to do was to slow the dominance of the British Empire but the law of unintended consequences came into effect: the nation was bankrupt and there were severe food shortages.

The French had gone into debt to finance the Seven Years’ War with England and the desire for revenge had propelled them into another war, using America as their pawn.  The war fought for American independence, told from the French perspective, is unrecognizable to an American.  The competent French won the war for the incompetent Americans, but great cost.  The difficulty of recovering financially after a costly war is still with us today.   For example, it took America some twenty years to recover from the expense of the Vietnam War, hence the prosperity of the 1990s.  France was a largely feudal nation faced with the coming of modern capitalism but still lacking the modern financial instruments to solve their problems.  Then, as now, no one wanted to be taxed to pay for the war, even a war that was so full of celebrated and adored heroes, such as Benjamin Franklin.  The war had to be paid for and the King was persuaded to call representatives of the people together to work out a workable tax system to pay for the war.  The philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau had taken such a hold on the imagination of the ruling class that the King was forced to bend to the logic of “natural law” and “natural rights.” Louis XVI genuinely wanted to be the kind of good ruler demanded by the Enlightenment and called together the Estates General, a representative body with a medieval ancestry.   The Estates General, which had not been called since 1616, consisted of the First Estate, the nobles, the Second Estate, the clergy, and the Third Estate, the middle class.  The representatives were supposed to solve the problems of France by raising taxes but the men who gathered together began to imagine a new system of government entirely.  Rather than helping the King, they eventually deposed the monarchy.

The word of the hour was “citizen,” which also meant patriot or someone who served the patrie or nation, not the King.  Originally intended to be an inclusive term, it would later be an excluding term.  While the aristocrats limited their revolutionary gestures to divesting themselves of their titles (not their lands or wealth) and privileges, the sans coulottes (who did not wear breeches and hose) desperately needed help.  It is one thing to be unhappy with your rulers; it is another thing entirely to be hungry with no prospects for change. The French Revolution began in 1789, the same year the Americans were writing a Constitution, opening dramatically on July 14 with the storming of the Bastille, an infamous but largely empty prison.  The Revolution was an unstable entity, driven by mob anger, which led to the Terror of 1793-95.  The transfer of power ended with the execution of the King and Queen and a large portion of the aristocratic class.  Indeed, many of those titled men who had so passionately supported the Revolution lost their heads to a new invention, the guillotine, because, as aristocrats, they could never be “citizens.”

The French were unfortunate in their leaders, or rather, their lack of real leadership.  This revolution thrust up rabble-rousers and demagogues, ambitious and unscrupulous men, all determined to ride the wave of revolution into greater power.  In the end, they all wound up victims of the very rage they had stirred up.  Although the notorious Committee of Safety was in charge, no one was in control. There were only those who aroused the mod, like Maximilien Robespierre, Jean-Paul Marat, Georges Jacques Danton, and Louis Antoine Léon de Saint-Juste. The result was that the Revolution ran wild as the lower classes vented their anger on the aristocrats, during the years known as the Terror from 1793 to 1795.  The instrument of Terror was the Committee of Safety, where the major leaders of the Revolution, Robespierre, Danton, and Sainte-Juste, took away all of the rights won by the early years of the Revolution and reinstalled all of the oppressive practices of the monarchy.  Added to surveillance, spying and denunciation were massacres, mass executions and near genocide of a single class.  In the end the leaders of the mob all went to that instrument of a human and “democratic” death, the guillotine.   The power vacuum left behind was to be filled by a new leader, who brought order out of chaos by protecting the French from the European armies, which were advancing towards the country to put an end to the savage rebellion.

If you have found this material useful, please give credit to
Dr. Jeanne S. M. Willette and Art History Unstuffed.  Thank you.
info@arthistoryunstuffed.com

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